"Parisian Pearls" Necklaces by Anna-Carin of Sweden
Happy Holidays !
Wednesday, December 20, 2017
The How-to of Pearls
This is a great blog. The recent article walks readers through the 17th and 18th century and explains when the change over from natural to cultured pearl industries began. Also, how they are worn and by what demographic.
Happy Holidays !
Happy Holidays !
Sunday, December 17, 2017
Women, Cellos and Viola de Gambas
[They] are taught Music, and to play on all sorts of Instruments, in which some of' em are excellent Performers. Apologia actually passes for the finest Singer, and Anna-Maria's for the first Violin in Italy. The Concourse of People to this Church on Sundays and Holidays is extraordinary. -
The Memoirs of Charles-Lewis, Baron de Pollnitz, Karl Ludwig, 1739
Did women play the cello or viola de gamba ?
The sound of the cello is enchanting, powerful and elegant; while the viola is rich, complicated and sophisticated. It is almost as if each one has its own attitude. Its not surprising that the women of Europe played cellos and de 'gambas'. For that matter, we can also see that they mastered the violin and viol / viola.
There is this general talk; that "women" did not do this or that, because it was not "becoming" or was "suggestive". If this were true, we would not have such a good sampling of European women playing these instruments. Anna-Maria of Venice who was considered the first violin of Italy will be one who was remembered. However, by the time Anna-Maria comes on the scene in the 1730s, Italy had had women playing instruments from both the violin and viola family since at least the 16th Century during their Renaissance. Italy's record for including women in orchestras, quartets, and the similar will be contagious to other nations as they enter their own renaissances. Anna-Maria of Venice will not be alone; others in the first half of the 18th Century who were trained violist including Madame Henriette (Louis XV's daughter) of France who played the large viola de gamba, and Madame la marquise de "Grancey" played the tenor viola, small, but still played upright on the knee. Later during the second half of the 18c, Ann Ford of England who played the 'viol de gamba' along with the 'Saltero', Spanish guitar, archlute, and the piano-forte, began private concerts in October 1758 and public concerts in March 1760. So, here we can see that it was acceptable for women in both Europe and England to play the viola de 'gamba'. Imagery and the quote below, help us see that some women also played the cello.
Image of Madame Henriette:
How is it that on one hand we have many primary sources pointing out women by name who played large instruments that sat between the knees plus the likes of violins and viola and on the other hand this idea that some think that a 16th, 17th & 18th Century person would find this "suggestive" ?
The answer to if women during colonial times played cellos and de gamba between the knees, or if at all, is based on one particular document that circulated among musicians. However, make note of the date. This quote both confirms that the author witness women playing cellos, and between the knees, though disapproved of it. Essentially, for female musicians who also do reenacting, both before and during the American Revolution the cello and viola de gamba are fair game.
From the book: The First Fleet Piano: Volume One: A Musician’s View:
"An anonymous writer in the Musikalischer Almanach fur 1784..., observing that when a woman plays a cello she must spread her legs, prudishly remarked: 'In thousands of people it calls up pictures that it ought not to call up.' [ However, ] If a woman played the cello, it was recommended that she play it 'in the side-saddle position, an attitude that persisted in certain educational institutions well into the twentieth century"
Its interesting that gender lines became more restrictive after the Rev. war. However, this is not unusual nor the only example of this happening. What is more important is that we see a shift in attitude where previously, all women sat with their legs apart to later in the 19c sitting with the knee together. So, playing a cello or de 'gamba' between the knees for a woman was not a big deal.
Image of 19th Century Queen Victoria of England:
If you would like a coffee / tea / chocolate break before delving into the nitty-gritty ... scroll down to the end for a tour of paintings of women with their cellos and violas. They are rather beautiful.
So, if there was not an issue with women during the 16th, 17th and 18th Century playing the cello and viola de gamba, were there any limitations on which string instruments they could play ? First, what is a Viola compared to a Violin ?
What are Violas ?
While cellos are well know, and part of the violin family; its counter part the viola de gamba is part of the viol / viols / viola family. The de gamba and all the viols have a flat back, the shoulders of the viol are sloped, and are easy to spot due to having a /C/ whole in the front. Whereas, violins have /S/ shaped wholes. The viol also has 5-7 stings and frets whereas the violin only has four strings.
All viols are played upright, like the cello, but unlike the violin. The Italian term for viol is viola de gamba which means... viol for the knee. As we saw with the adoption of the tabbaard gown from Venice to the Netherlands and onto America... we see another trend with the viola de gamba; bass and tenor. Where, early images show Italian musicians (female) playing the de gamba, and then the Dutch; we do not have images of women in America playing the viola.. but there isn't much with the men either.
What are a Violins ?
They are musical instruments developed in 16th century Italy; also called violas da 'braccio'. The violins have four strings and s-shapes wholes. Most people have seen violins, cellos and bass violins; so we'll let readers follow up on their history outside of this post.
Rich, complicated, and sophisticated:
What are Violas ?
While cellos are well know, and part of the violin family; its counter part the viola de gamba is part of the viol / viols / viola family. The de gamba and all the viols have a flat back, the shoulders of the viol are sloped, and are easy to spot due to having a /C/ whole in the front. Whereas, violins have /S/ shaped wholes. The viol also has 5-7 stings and frets whereas the violin only has four strings.
All viols are played upright, like the cello, but unlike the violin. The Italian term for viol is viola de gamba which means... viol for the knee. As we saw with the adoption of the tabbaard gown from Venice to the Netherlands and onto America... we see another trend with the viola de gamba; bass and tenor. Where, early images show Italian musicians (female) playing the de gamba, and then the Dutch; we do not have images of women in America playing the viola.. but there isn't much with the men either.
What are a Violins ?
They are musical instruments developed in 16th century Italy; also called violas da 'braccio'. The violins have four strings and s-shapes wholes. Most people have seen violins, cellos and bass violins; so we'll let readers follow up on their history outside of this post.
Rich, complicated, and sophisticated:
Inventories of New York:
Violas may have arrived prior to the 18th century. In 1692, there are 30 bunches of "fiddle" strings for sale in a NY store; whether or not the recorder knew the difference between a violin string and ones for a viol is unknown. However, 30 bunches of strings is a good number, possibly a 2 or more year supply for the store keeper. With this in mind, we may safely guess that there were a dozen or more people who played instruments from the violin and viola families.
The New York governor (1720-1728) William Burnet has a "large Violin or Tenor Fidle" in his inventory. Tenor violins or tenor fiddles, are what English called the viola. If we use this as the reference for the 1692 inventory we see that the "30 bunches of fiddle strings" mentioned above, were likely viola strings.
As to whether women played the viola, we get a clue from the wind instruments being sold by another retailer. Recorders, it appears, were purchased for boys and girls at school age during the 17th Century in New York. So in this instance, we see that another instrument that is considered by some in hind sight as too suggestive for women (wind instruments) were being played by little girls.
Violins vs. Violas:
There may be some gender bias between the violin and viola. Though, we first have to note that there are women that play instruments from both families and men did the same. With this in mind, if there is a gender bias, it is likely coming not from a top down, but individual to individual. In other words, a teacher may choose to not teach girls.
Advertisements:
Here we can clearly see that the de gamba and other viols are in fact in New York. We can see violins, and... bass viols !! A viol, is a viola, and they are for sale in New York. In the images near the bottom of the page we see both the bass viol and tenor viol being played by women in Europe.
1759 - Imported Musical Instruments.—To be sold by a Gentleman who lodges at Widow Darcey's nigh the Ship-Yards, opposite to William Walton's, Esq; and who is to go soon out of Town; exceeding good German Flutes, for three Dollars each; likewise others with 2, 3, 4 or 5 middle pieces to change the Tones and Voice, do. likewise Base Viol Strings of all Sizes, and silvered Ones for Basses, Violins and Tenors. A great Collection of wrote and printed Musick from Italy and England. The newest Sets of Scotch and Irish Tunes, and Airs in Score, Base Viol and Fiddle Bridges, rulled Musick Paper in Sheets and in Books, German Flute Concertos, Sonatas, Duets and Solos, and a great many other Things in the musical Way, imported by himself from Naples and London. Likewise, two fine Violins, a Girls six-stringd Bass Viole, and a foreign Pocket Gun.—The New-York Mercury, August 13, 1759.
1767 - Robert Horne, Musical Instrument-Maker, from London, at Mr. Francis Cooley's, on Golden-Hill; Makes and repairs Violins, bass viols, tenor viols, Æolius harps, gauiters, German flutes, Kitts, violin bows, &c. in the neatest and compleatest manner. All orders punctually obey'd, with the quickest dispatch;: The favour of Gentlemen and Ladies shall be duly honour'd with their Commands. N.B. Merchants may be supplied with any of the above, cheaper than in London on proper notice given.—The New-York Mercury, September 14, 1767.
1772 - Robert Horne, Musical Instrument-Maker, from London, on Golden-Hill, near Burling's Slip, Makes and repairs musical instruments, viz. Violins, tennors, violon-cellos, guittars, kitts, aeolus harps, spinnets, and spinnets jacks, violin bows, tail-pieces, pins, bridges; bows hair'd, and the best Roman Strings, &c. N.B. Country stores supply'd on the shortest notice.—The New-York Gazette and the Weekly Mercury, January 6, 1772.
Gendered vs. Gendered Neutral Advertisements:
It seem that some instructors will only teach violin to men; however, there is no mention of viola / viol in the below adds. The lack of mention for the viola in these adds, may be related to violas being popular among woman, while violins were also likely played by females, some male instructors may not of deemed four string instruments as a feminine pursuit. Though, other teachers target both men and women. We will note that while bass violins are in the violin family, bass fiddles are in the viola. When one sees a "double bass" it is a instrument that hovers between the two families. Though, it is possible, that just as some women may offer lessons to only females, some men would also only offer lessons to males. This last point is possibly the likely answer as instruction classes for only men or only women still exists today. Below we see violin and bass violin instruction offered to only men.
Examples of gender-neutral or inclusive:
1758 - Alexander Dienval.—This is to give Notice, That the Violin and German Flute, are taught in the Space of two or three Months each, by Alexander V. Dienval, at Mr. Elphinstone's House in the Slott.—The New-York Mercury, September 18, 1758.
1768 - Wall, Comedian, Engages to teach Ladies and Gentlemen to Play on the Guitar to prevent Trouble, his terms are to such as chuse to be waited on at the Houses; One Guinea Entrance, and the same per Month for which he pays Attendance, Three Times a Week. Ladies and Gentlemen, who may think proper to honour him with their Commands, by sending to his lodgings, at Mr. Sproul's, in Depyster's-Street, will be immediately waited on.—The New-York Mercury, January 11, 1768.
Males only:
1753 - Charles Love, Musician, from London, at his lodgings at the house of Mrs. George, in the first lane from the Bowling-Green, that leads to the North-River, proposes teaching gentlemen musick on the following instruments, Viz. Violin, Hautboy, German and Common Flutes, Bassoon, French Horn, Tenor, and Base Violin, if desired....The New York Mercury, July 2, 1753.
1759 - William Charles Hulet.—This is to Give Notice, That the Violin is taught in so plain and easy a Method (that young Gentlemen of eight or nine years old may be capable of learning in a short Time) by W. C. Hulet, at the House of Robert Wallace, joiner, in the Broad-street,...—The New-York Gazette, September 24, 1759.
The Fashionable Cello and Viola de Gamba:
Anyone notice a trend? What is fashionable in Venice doesn't stay in Venice. Whether it is Venitian pearls, the tabbaard gown and now the viola; all things fashionable seem to make it to New Newnetherland and New York.
First we see violas become popular in Italy (but were widely played in Spain too). Then the Dutch and likely Flemish people playing the same instruments during their Golden Age. Here is where gets a bit tricky; did the viola, which was popular in the Netherlands, come over in the 1650s with the tabbaard and all those venetian pearls???
Or adopted after the final transfer of sovereign power to the English in the 1670s? In either case, 'fiddles' and possibly violas were here in the 1690s. When the age of Enlightenment comes, the French are seen with these instruments in tandem with New York. The violas, don't seem to have lost their attractiveness in New York or America during the 18th century.
This trend where out of one economic-cultural upswing into another (Renaissance to Golden Age to Enlightenment) a fashion or other material good is adopted, is not isolated to these three samples. We will see more threading together of these ages in future posts where a material good (and cultural norms) developed in Italy, is adopted in the Netherlands and then brought over to New Netherland or New York. Alternatively, there are a number of items that are developed in other nations, adopted by Golden Age Dutch, and transferred to America. While much of this is rooted in economics and commercialism in the colonial sense, it is also driven by a customer curious and open to new experiences.
I hope you enjoy the below image-tour through history ! Happy Holidays !
In Images:
1) Italy, The outdoor Concert, artist unknown, painting in the Hotel Lallemand, Bourges, France 16c.
2) Netherlands, anoniem, Vrouw bespeelt een strijkinstrument about 1600-1610.
3) German, VIOLA da GAMBA, A consort of viols by Freyse, German, 1630s
4) Netherland, Jan Olis - Musical Evening, 1630s
5) English, Anthonis van Dyck - Portrait of Mary Ruthann 1638
5) Netherlands, Concert - Jacob van Loo (1652)
7) Gabriël Metsu, Netherlands: Interieur van een schildersatelier met een kunstenaar die een vrouw met een viola da gamba schildert. ca. 1655.
8) Metsu, Netherlands, 1658
9) Paolo Caliari, il Veronese
10) Metsu, Netherlands, dated to 1663
11) Gerard Pietersz. van Zijl, 1658 - 1677
12) Portrait of a Lady Playing a Viola da Gamba, 1675, by Caspar Netscher
13) Vrouw bespeelt een viola da gamba, Pieter Schenk (I), 1670 - 1713
14) Nicolas Bonnart (France, 1637-1717) Recueil des modes de la cour de France, 'Dame qui Jouë de la Viole en Chantant' France, Paris, circa 1682-1686 14)
St Cecilia DOMENICHINO
Concert of Angels (detail) by Matthias Grünewald ca. 1470, Würzburg, Germany - ca. 1528, Halle, Germany
2) Netherlands, anoniem, Vrouw bespeelt een strijkinstrument about 1600-1610.
3) German, VIOLA da GAMBA, A consort of viols by Freyse, German, 1630s
4) Netherland, Jan Olis - Musical Evening, 1630s
5) English, Anthonis van Dyck - Portrait of Mary Ruthann 1638
7) Gabriël Metsu, Netherlands: Interieur van een schildersatelier met een kunstenaar die een vrouw met een viola da gamba schildert. ca. 1655.
8) Metsu, Netherlands, 1658
10) Metsu, Netherlands, dated to 1663
11) Gerard Pietersz. van Zijl, 1658 - 1677
12) Portrait of a Lady Playing a Viola da Gamba, 1675, by Caspar Netscher
13) Vrouw bespeelt een viola da gamba, Pieter Schenk (I), 1670 - 1713
14) Nicolas Bonnart (France, 1637-1717) Recueil des modes de la cour de France, 'Dame qui Jouë de la Viole en Chantant' France, Paris, circa 1682-1686 14)
15) Madame la marquise de Grancey by Antoine Trouvain abt. 1700
16) 1750s - A lady playing the pardessus de viol, "Perronneau"
17) Madame Henriette (Louis XV's daughter) playing the Viola da Gamba in Court dress by Jean-Marc Nattier (1685- 1766)
For the above list of images, I left out four more of Dutch and Italian women from 1550-1650s which would bring the total to 21; but there is a trend. With all the images together, the women of Italy were actively playing string instruments in the 16th Century. Dutch ladies picked up the same instruments in the 17th Century, and it became all the rage in France at the start of the 18th Century.
With this amount of imagery, we can see playing large string instruments was acceptable, in Italy, the Netherlands and France. Also noted, is that saints, angels and nuns were portrayed as playing cellos and the viola de gamba. Lastly, even as recent as the 19th Century, we can see the enjoyment derived from a woman with a bow. Here are three bonus ones. Note, the well off lady in pink does not seem to be following the advice of playing side-saddle.
Thomas Sword Good (1789–1872), England
17) Madame Henriette (Louis XV's daughter) playing the Viola da Gamba in Court dress by Jean-Marc Nattier (1685- 1766)
For the above list of images, I left out four more of Dutch and Italian women from 1550-1650s which would bring the total to 21; but there is a trend. With all the images together, the women of Italy were actively playing string instruments in the 16th Century. Dutch ladies picked up the same instruments in the 17th Century, and it became all the rage in France at the start of the 18th Century.
Thomas Sword Good (1789–1872), England
Concert of Angels (detail) by Matthias Grünewald ca. 1470, Würzburg, Germany - ca. 1528, Halle, Germany
Sunday, December 10, 2017
Are Pirate Gowns Real ?
We need not recreate the past to understand it but only to appreciate the facts. In our interpretation we can strive to get it exacting to a specific time, however, it is just as important to understand how things change from moment to moment. In particular how often ideas tend to overlap, with transitions never truly instantaneous, at least with New York. It is not unusual for historians to skirt around the New York issue, it is complicated with many tremulous years. Though, as we continue to explore we find that while politics and sovereigns were blown through like tissues, the culture of the colony was ever lasting. Founded with Dutch civil liberties and Cannon law and their obsession with all things worldly and unbridled curiosity; they, let fantasy become reality. They lived in a world where pirate gowns are real.
They turn up in both Dutch New Netherland and British New York. Except, they are not historically called pirate or cavalier dresses. On the Continent and in early American inventories this type of gown is called a Tabbaard. Common spellings: Tabbaard, Tabbard, Tabbart, Tabbert, Tabb...etc. The key to a good replica of a tabbaard - as compared to the costumes in movies - is a snug fitted bodice that compresses the bust not the waist and looks like it is mounted on pasteboard; with a skirt with many tiny pleats. The best part is... they are fair game for reenactors and historic sites.
The tabbaard is one of those dresses that is representative of people from a wide range of economic backgrounds. Whether your were a farmer in the town of Beverwijk - now the City of Albany, NY - the wife of a small town doctor on the Hudson River... or even the Electress of the Holy Roman Empire in Europe; the tabbaard was a gown accessible to people of various classes. It is reflective of the landscape these early Americans lived; where, while not royals, with industry and good provenance one could have a splendid gown of silk for weddings and holiday.
Below a cropped image: Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia (31 December 1586 – 12 February 1659) was an Electress of Saxony as the spouse of John George I, Elector of Saxony. i.0043, Photo from the Rüstkammer/SKD für die Ausstellung „Der frühe Vermeer“ Gemäldegalerie Dresden, 2010
History:
Deciphering fashions in the 17th century requires following a garment back to its place of origin. Then one can see it mature, spread and evolve into other styles. The Tabbaard got its start in Italy - likely Venetian - and is seen there by the third quarter of the 16th Century (about 1580s). The tabbaard, however, gets picked up by various nations though in differing styles. For France, it will morph from the Italian style to a bodice with a front sloping "swan" waist at the turn of the century. Then to a high-wider waist in the 1630s as can be seen with Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia gown pictured above; and a long more up-right torso for the rest of the century. The Images below are all Central European extant tabbaards with known owners. Note the waist line drops from the left to the right as the century moves forward.
Below cropped images: Left (Dated to 1635-1645) and Center (Possibly 1645) gowns once owned by Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia (31 December 1586 – 12 February 1659), Right tabbaard bodice in the Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt Collection 1660.
The first two bodices are on display and are part of a show being held at the Dresden Rüstkammer museum in Germany. See link to the museum's site Scroll down to see VIDEO.
The Tabbaard in Holland:
The tabbaard is defined by Marieke de Winkel in her book Fashion and Fancy: Dress and the Meaning in Rembrandt's Paintings. It is a gown made up of a stiffen bodice that is laced up the back, it is not boned, but has a matching skirt. A petticoat is worn under the skirt. Fashion and Fancy includes a number of inventories and explanation of men and women's garments and accessories based on de Winkel's graduate thesis and an impressive number of primary sources.
In one of the inventories included in the book is that of a wealthy couple Captain Maerten Pietersez Dacey and his Widow Oopjen Coppit, November 1659. The inventory is massive and includes the following gowns:
In the bottom wardrobe
a plush tabbert of Oopjen Coppit
a "toers" tabbert of the same
a serge tabbert of the same
a red under pettcoat with passements
a green satin skirt of the same
a violet satin shirt of the same
an ash gray satin skirt
a green daily skirt
a small red under-petticoat
a white birds-eye skirt [petticoat]
When looking at Coppit's inventory we see a plush, "toers" and serge "tabbert". The plush is a velvet, the "toers" is a corded silk made in Belgium or Holland ( likely Leiden) woven in the Ottoman Empire fashion with blend of cashmere and silk; but sometimes with just silk. It is a slightly larger grain than modern silk fallie. (We will discuss corded silks in a later post.)
New Netherland and New York:
As we can see, both royal and wealthy merchant women of Europe are wearing the tabbaard. The images of the Electress's extant samples above were chosen in part because we know who owned them and when the she lived, with a death in 1659, making them easy to date and compare. In New Netherland and New York there is no royalty and it is not with the mega-merchants that we find three or four tabbaard per inventory; it is the growing middle class and frugal farmers that have acquired one tabbaard each. They are likely the wedding dresses that are later recycled into Holiday and special occasion wear. These wardrobes have another important outfit called the vlieger, which are more reserved in appearance and likely what was used for Sunday best. Though, due to the late date of these wardrobes it is also possible that these tabbaards were acquire to take the place of their vlieger even for Sunday best.
In an inventory from 1664, we see a fashionable couple with three little children sporting both vintage and the latest trends from Europe. They weren't living in London, or Amsterdam or Paris, but in a little town called Wildwijk on the Hudson River. Looking at the 1665 inventory of Rachel de la Montagne (d. 1664) and Gysbert van Imbroch (d. 1665), we are seeing the inventory of doctor from a small town. Prior to arriving in Wildwijk, Gysbert supplemented is income by winning the bid to perform the duties of selling testaments and bibles for two years in Manhattan. It seems that selling books becomes a on-going side job, as his inventory taken in Wiltwijk could fill a town library. It included a variety of books on literature, gardening, medical and school books for children. It is not unusual for people to pick up side jobs to make some extra income. Unfortunately, they died young leaving a 5, 3, and 1 year old; the children of which went to live with family. Interestingly, not only have their children and inventory survive them but so has their stone house which can be visited in the old section of what is today called Kingston, New York. Also, we can see that while Imbroch was Dutch, de la Montagne was French Huguenot.
In de la Montagne's wardrobe is a "tabbaard" (spelled in her inventory as "Tabbard") that could be worn with one of her three petticoats and a number of white or black hoods, two fans, handkerchiefs both round and square and even two cosmetics. She also had two cosmetics; one red and one black. Plus a few night time forehead bands that would be infused with oils intending to reduce the likelihood of wrinkles. The rest of her inventory is made up of jackets.
1665 inventory of Rachel de la Montagne (d. 1664) & Gysbert van Imbroch (d. 1665), Wiltwijk, NN
A black silk gross grain "Tabbert" with "sarcenet" under (a type of soft lining)
A colored gross grain petticoat with green lining
A colored changeable [silk] petticoat with green lining
A red scarlet petticoat
Inventories in New Netherland and New York tend to point out when a garment is scarlet, red, purple and black. This is in part due to the high cost of these dyes combined with the labor. When the item is simply stated to be "colored" the only option - in an effort to guess the color - is to note the other colors that were mentioned and know it was not one of those. Alternatively, if there is something notable for instance "changeable" silk or if it is lined the recorder will point this out. In the original translation of this inventory from the 1900s, the "A colored changeable petticoat with green lining" was originally translated as "reversible", but it is actually "changeable". Research such as that done by De Winkel in her book Fashion and Fancy has traced many of the 17th Century clothing terms for us.
The Tabbaard comes on the scene in an early form for the wealthy of Continental Europe in the late 1500s, remains a gown of choice throughout this time, then starts to spread from nobility and large merchants to the burghers (small traders) and crafts people by the 1650s. Rachael and Gysbert were married in 1657, and it is possible she brought this gown with her from her hometown of Albany, NY. Interestingly, both Rachael's tabbaard in New Netherland and Oopjen's tabbaard mentioned in the 1659 Holland inventory previously are both made of corded silk, or a corded cashmere-silk blend.
By the 1660s, the Tabbaard was accessible to well off farmers also. A second tabbaard is in a 1664 inventory from Fort Orange near Albany, the wardrobe of which had both vintage and modern clothing including; "1 tabbaard bodice [stored] in a piece of white cloth". It is possible that this bodice was a gross grain also as many other items including hoods and aprons were also made of gross grain, but may or may not be purse silk.
Below is a Tabbaart gown with matching bodice and skirt plus an under petticoat. This particular tabbaard would be very similar to the ones worn in the two 1660s inventories above. Also, over skirt were often sewn to the tabbaard.
Below self portrait, Zelfportret van Gesina, driekwart naar rechts, Gesina ter Borch, Joost Hermans Roldanus, 1661.
Here you can see both a family in formal tabbaard and the servants in more casual but also lovely tabbaard. Painting by Gillis van Tilborgh born 1625 Link.
Through each of these eras, the sleeves change to follow current trends while retaining the general silhouette, plus the bodice and the front princes seams on the torso. We can see the sleeve becoming longer. Many tabbaard in jacket form have attached sleeves whereas, the bodice versions or summer versions have attachable sleeves. Also, in the 1640s to 60s, it is a formal gown with matching bodice and skirt with under petticoat, it becomes more relaxed as a semi-formal and even casual wear in the 1660s and 70s.
By the third quarter (1670s), servants and laborers up-date their stays (a corset like garment) and jackets to look more like the tabbaard. The working class stays and jackets take on the princes-like seams and shape of the Tabbaard bodice but may or may not keep the sleeves. See Dordrechts Museum Link. for the image below. But simultaneously, for wealthier people the gown becomes formal again.
The 1664 Wiltwijk and Fort Orange inventories were not the only lists with a Tabbaard. Another can be found in the 1690s. A rather nice one appears in Lysbett van Eps's inventory who was a small trader-merchant; you may remember her as being the Albany shop keeper selling large qualities of Indigenous Leggings for adults and children.
Van Eps may have acquired her tabbaard when she made a trip to Amsterdam in the 1670s to purchase fabric for traded. While the one in the 1690s inventory has an unknown color it came with a detached skirt with both being made of fine "toers" corded silk. This is a fine grain fabric that has survived the centuries due to the quality. It is a silk that wares well, and from which modern bridal gown are be made. This is likely the Fort Orange tabbaard coming back into the formal-ware category again.
Re-Cap:
1659 Holland, Marchant: a plush tabbert, a "toers" tabbert, a serge tabbert
They turn up in both Dutch New Netherland and British New York. Except, they are not historically called pirate or cavalier dresses. On the Continent and in early American inventories this type of gown is called a Tabbaard. Common spellings: Tabbaard, Tabbard, Tabbart, Tabbert, Tabb...etc. The key to a good replica of a tabbaard - as compared to the costumes in movies - is a snug fitted bodice that compresses the bust not the waist and looks like it is mounted on pasteboard; with a skirt with many tiny pleats. The best part is... they are fair game for reenactors and historic sites.
The tabbaard is one of those dresses that is representative of people from a wide range of economic backgrounds. Whether your were a farmer in the town of Beverwijk - now the City of Albany, NY - the wife of a small town doctor on the Hudson River... or even the Electress of the Holy Roman Empire in Europe; the tabbaard was a gown accessible to people of various classes. It is reflective of the landscape these early Americans lived; where, while not royals, with industry and good provenance one could have a splendid gown of silk for weddings and holiday.
Below a cropped image: Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia (31 December 1586 – 12 February 1659) was an Electress of Saxony as the spouse of John George I, Elector of Saxony. i.0043, Photo from the Rüstkammer/SKD für die Ausstellung „Der frühe Vermeer“ Gemäldegalerie Dresden, 2010
History:
Deciphering fashions in the 17th century requires following a garment back to its place of origin. Then one can see it mature, spread and evolve into other styles. The Tabbaard got its start in Italy - likely Venetian - and is seen there by the third quarter of the 16th Century (about 1580s). The tabbaard, however, gets picked up by various nations though in differing styles. For France, it will morph from the Italian style to a bodice with a front sloping "swan" waist at the turn of the century. Then to a high-wider waist in the 1630s as can be seen with Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia gown pictured above; and a long more up-right torso for the rest of the century. The Images below are all Central European extant tabbaards with known owners. Note the waist line drops from the left to the right as the century moves forward.
Below cropped images: Left (Dated to 1635-1645) and Center (Possibly 1645) gowns once owned by Magdalene Sibylle of Prussia (31 December 1586 – 12 February 1659), Right tabbaard bodice in the Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt Collection 1660.
The first two bodices are on display and are part of a show being held at the Dresden Rüstkammer museum in Germany. See link to the museum's site Scroll down to see VIDEO.
The Tabbaard in Holland:
The tabbaard is defined by Marieke de Winkel in her book Fashion and Fancy: Dress and the Meaning in Rembrandt's Paintings. It is a gown made up of a stiffen bodice that is laced up the back, it is not boned, but has a matching skirt. A petticoat is worn under the skirt. Fashion and Fancy includes a number of inventories and explanation of men and women's garments and accessories based on de Winkel's graduate thesis and an impressive number of primary sources.
In one of the inventories included in the book is that of a wealthy couple Captain Maerten Pietersez Dacey and his Widow Oopjen Coppit, November 1659. The inventory is massive and includes the following gowns:
In the bottom wardrobe
a plush tabbert of Oopjen Coppit
a "toers" tabbert of the same
a serge tabbert of the same
a red under pettcoat with passements
a green satin skirt of the same
a violet satin shirt of the same
an ash gray satin skirt
a green daily skirt
a small red under-petticoat
a white birds-eye skirt [petticoat]
When looking at Coppit's inventory we see a plush, "toers" and serge "tabbert". The plush is a velvet, the "toers" is a corded silk made in Belgium or Holland ( likely Leiden) woven in the Ottoman Empire fashion with blend of cashmere and silk; but sometimes with just silk. It is a slightly larger grain than modern silk fallie. (We will discuss corded silks in a later post.)
New Netherland and New York:
As we can see, both royal and wealthy merchant women of Europe are wearing the tabbaard. The images of the Electress's extant samples above were chosen in part because we know who owned them and when the she lived, with a death in 1659, making them easy to date and compare. In New Netherland and New York there is no royalty and it is not with the mega-merchants that we find three or four tabbaard per inventory; it is the growing middle class and frugal farmers that have acquired one tabbaard each. They are likely the wedding dresses that are later recycled into Holiday and special occasion wear. These wardrobes have another important outfit called the vlieger, which are more reserved in appearance and likely what was used for Sunday best. Though, due to the late date of these wardrobes it is also possible that these tabbaards were acquire to take the place of their vlieger even for Sunday best.
In an inventory from 1664, we see a fashionable couple with three little children sporting both vintage and the latest trends from Europe. They weren't living in London, or Amsterdam or Paris, but in a little town called Wildwijk on the Hudson River. Looking at the 1665 inventory of Rachel de la Montagne (d. 1664) and Gysbert van Imbroch (d. 1665), we are seeing the inventory of doctor from a small town. Prior to arriving in Wildwijk, Gysbert supplemented is income by winning the bid to perform the duties of selling testaments and bibles for two years in Manhattan. It seems that selling books becomes a on-going side job, as his inventory taken in Wiltwijk could fill a town library. It included a variety of books on literature, gardening, medical and school books for children. It is not unusual for people to pick up side jobs to make some extra income. Unfortunately, they died young leaving a 5, 3, and 1 year old; the children of which went to live with family. Interestingly, not only have their children and inventory survive them but so has their stone house which can be visited in the old section of what is today called Kingston, New York. Also, we can see that while Imbroch was Dutch, de la Montagne was French Huguenot.
In de la Montagne's wardrobe is a "tabbaard" (spelled in her inventory as "Tabbard") that could be worn with one of her three petticoats and a number of white or black hoods, two fans, handkerchiefs both round and square and even two cosmetics. She also had two cosmetics; one red and one black. Plus a few night time forehead bands that would be infused with oils intending to reduce the likelihood of wrinkles. The rest of her inventory is made up of jackets.
1665 inventory of Rachel de la Montagne (d. 1664) & Gysbert van Imbroch (d. 1665), Wiltwijk, NN
A black silk gross grain "Tabbert" with "sarcenet" under (a type of soft lining)
A colored gross grain petticoat with green lining
A colored changeable [silk] petticoat with green lining
A red scarlet petticoat
Inventories in New Netherland and New York tend to point out when a garment is scarlet, red, purple and black. This is in part due to the high cost of these dyes combined with the labor. When the item is simply stated to be "colored" the only option - in an effort to guess the color - is to note the other colors that were mentioned and know it was not one of those. Alternatively, if there is something notable for instance "changeable" silk or if it is lined the recorder will point this out. In the original translation of this inventory from the 1900s, the "A colored changeable petticoat with green lining" was originally translated as "reversible", but it is actually "changeable". Research such as that done by De Winkel in her book Fashion and Fancy has traced many of the 17th Century clothing terms for us.
The Tabbaard comes on the scene in an early form for the wealthy of Continental Europe in the late 1500s, remains a gown of choice throughout this time, then starts to spread from nobility and large merchants to the burghers (small traders) and crafts people by the 1650s. Rachael and Gysbert were married in 1657, and it is possible she brought this gown with her from her hometown of Albany, NY. Interestingly, both Rachael's tabbaard in New Netherland and Oopjen's tabbaard mentioned in the 1659 Holland inventory previously are both made of corded silk, or a corded cashmere-silk blend.
By the 1660s, the Tabbaard was accessible to well off farmers also. A second tabbaard is in a 1664 inventory from Fort Orange near Albany, the wardrobe of which had both vintage and modern clothing including; "1 tabbaard bodice [stored] in a piece of white cloth". It is possible that this bodice was a gross grain also as many other items including hoods and aprons were also made of gross grain, but may or may not be purse silk.
Below is a Tabbaart gown with matching bodice and skirt plus an under petticoat. This particular tabbaard would be very similar to the ones worn in the two 1660s inventories above. Also, over skirt were often sewn to the tabbaard.
Below self portrait, Zelfportret van Gesina, driekwart naar rechts, Gesina ter Borch, Joost Hermans Roldanus, 1661.
Here you can see both a family in formal tabbaard and the servants in more casual but also lovely tabbaard. Painting by Gillis van Tilborgh born 1625 Link.
Through each of these eras, the sleeves change to follow current trends while retaining the general silhouette, plus the bodice and the front princes seams on the torso. We can see the sleeve becoming longer. Many tabbaard in jacket form have attached sleeves whereas, the bodice versions or summer versions have attachable sleeves. Also, in the 1640s to 60s, it is a formal gown with matching bodice and skirt with under petticoat, it becomes more relaxed as a semi-formal and even casual wear in the 1660s and 70s.
By the third quarter (1670s), servants and laborers up-date their stays (a corset like garment) and jackets to look more like the tabbaard. The working class stays and jackets take on the princes-like seams and shape of the Tabbaard bodice but may or may not keep the sleeves. See Dordrechts Museum Link. for the image below. But simultaneously, for wealthier people the gown becomes formal again.
The 1664 Wiltwijk and Fort Orange inventories were not the only lists with a Tabbaard. Another can be found in the 1690s. A rather nice one appears in Lysbett van Eps's inventory who was a small trader-merchant; you may remember her as being the Albany shop keeper selling large qualities of Indigenous Leggings for adults and children.
Van Eps may have acquired her tabbaard when she made a trip to Amsterdam in the 1670s to purchase fabric for traded. While the one in the 1690s inventory has an unknown color it came with a detached skirt with both being made of fine "toers" corded silk. This is a fine grain fabric that has survived the centuries due to the quality. It is a silk that wares well, and from which modern bridal gown are be made. This is likely the Fort Orange tabbaard coming back into the formal-ware category again.
Re-Cap:
1659 Holland, Marchant: a plush tabbert, a "toers" tabbert, a serge tabbert
1664 Fort Orange, Farmer: 1 tabbaard bodice [stored] in a piece of white cloth
1664/65 Wiltwijk, Doctor's wife, book seller: A black silk gross grain "Tabbert" w/ sarcenet lining
1693 Fort Orange, Shop keeper: 1 ditto [toers] "tabbaart" "cijt"
One of the nice things about these examples, is that it leaves the door open to women from different economic backgrounds as having access to this type of gown. It is something that can be worn formally or semi-formal, in matching top and bottom or mixed and match. Interestingly, this garment continued to be used under English sovereignty. It is possible that the large merchants of the colony had more than one tabbaard, whereas we can see that famers, shop keepers, and professional's wives may of had only one.
The tabbaard will continue to live on from the 17th Century and into the 18th Century. Below Left to Right is a 1659, 1690 and then 1745 painting. The tabbaard is also called a camisole in German and is part of the court costume throughout this time frame. While the tabbaard will come in and out of fashion in France and England, it had become part of the wardrobe for Central Europe since the 1630s.
Below Image Cropping Left to Right: Left Jeanne Parmentier by Bartholomeus van der Helst, 1656 , LINK. , Center Eleonore Magdalene von Pfalz-Neuburg LINK. , Right Madame Henriette (Louis XV's daughter) playing the Viola da Gamba in Court dress by Jean-Marc Nattier (1685- 1766) LINK.
The tabbaard is not the only formal outfit that appears in inventories, however, it is the most fanciful or princes like. As we continue to explore we will see formal-ware was as important to the wardrobe as exotic and worldly robes from the east.
1664/65 Wiltwijk, Doctor's wife, book seller: A black silk gross grain "Tabbert" w/ sarcenet lining
1693 Fort Orange, Shop keeper: 1 ditto [toers] "tabbaart" "cijt"
One of the nice things about these examples, is that it leaves the door open to women from different economic backgrounds as having access to this type of gown. It is something that can be worn formally or semi-formal, in matching top and bottom or mixed and match. Interestingly, this garment continued to be used under English sovereignty. It is possible that the large merchants of the colony had more than one tabbaard, whereas we can see that famers, shop keepers, and professional's wives may of had only one.
The tabbaard will continue to live on from the 17th Century and into the 18th Century. Below Left to Right is a 1659, 1690 and then 1745 painting. The tabbaard is also called a camisole in German and is part of the court costume throughout this time frame. While the tabbaard will come in and out of fashion in France and England, it had become part of the wardrobe for Central Europe since the 1630s.
Below Image Cropping Left to Right: Left Jeanne Parmentier by Bartholomeus van der Helst, 1656 , LINK. , Center Eleonore Magdalene von Pfalz-Neuburg LINK. , Right Madame Henriette (Louis XV's daughter) playing the Viola da Gamba in Court dress by Jean-Marc Nattier (1685- 1766) LINK.
The tabbaard is not the only formal outfit that appears in inventories, however, it is the most fanciful or princes like. As we continue to explore we will see formal-ware was as important to the wardrobe as exotic and worldly robes from the east.
Sunday, December 3, 2017
Wampum vs. "Seawan"
Many early 17th Century primary sources use the term Sea-wan to mean trade beads that are strung (like beads on a necklace) or in bundles (multiple strings). This term is used while under Dutch New Netherland and during 17th Century British New York.
The New Netherland era for this blog includes the time of the first permanent trading post in 1614 Wiltwijk on the Hudson, through to the time the English received sovereign control in 1667 and unto 1674. There is an argument that can be made for this era to include up to when the Dutch took back the territory for 15 months and finally ceding control again to the English in 1674. This timing will be explore in a follow up post; however, one of the main reasons for this is that prior to 1674, the English did not enforce British Common Law. This had a significant effect on the population after 1674 because it meant that many people's liberties enjoyed under Dutch Civil and Canon law were stripped in this one year. The lack of enforcement of English Common law up to this point, allowed the colony to continued to use Dutch civil law to solve legal and court cases which had an effect on personal incomes, property ownership, economics, and even how to address a person.
Sea-wan was used in documents from early in the region's settlement by Europeans; and is adopted from the local indigenous language. Later, when the British governors introduced the term wampum (from the Algonquin word wampumpeag meaning white shell beads) into legal documents, it was not easily adopted by the general public. Did the introduction of the term wampum into this colony by the governor displace the term sea-wan which was used by local Indigenous people and colonist?
It is noted that the primary records do not hyphenate sea-wan. However, when I type the term without a hyphen the spellcheck auto corrects it, even after I have saved the page. So, it is hyphenated to preserve understanding otherwise this post would read very differently. Sea-wan which is commonly used from Brooklyn to Albany; also appears as "Zee-wan" in early documents and "Se-want" particularly in the South River (Delaware River) documents.
In the Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady court minutes for 1680-1685
Sample 1: Ordinary session held in New Albany, June 8, 1680, page 11 -12
Mr. Samual Winder, attorney for Capt. John Palmer, ... against Jan Ver Beek, defendant.
The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 16 gl. [guilders] in beavers, showing by the journal and ledger of Mr John Winder, fol. 24, under date of October 5, 1665, that the defendant is indebted to that amount...
Idem, plaintiff, against Lambert van Valkenburg, defendant. The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 28 gl. in sea-wan, showing by the books of Mr. Jan Winder, fol. 24,....
The hornoable court condemn the defendant to pay to the plaintiff or his order the sum of 28 gl. in sea-wan,...
Indem, plaintiff, against Jan Labatee, defendant.
The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 21 gl. in sea-wan, showing by the books of Mr. John Winder, ....
(The terms Negro and Indian are copied from the primary sources and not my own.)
Sample 2: Extraordinary session held in Albany, July 24, 1682, page 274 - 277
Philip Schuyler complains to their honors [in court] in writing that on on the 20th of July last great harm was done to him... who in passing [by] left the gate open and called him names... especially one called Naerenachteno, who threw a stone at his horse, wounding it above the eye, where upon his Negro, Jan, struck the said Indian.... [a fight followed].
The Indians answered:
1) That the mischief which occurred was not premeditated... They offer a belt, 7 [beads] high.
2) They are heartily sorry about the mischief... They offer a bundle of sea-wan.
3) They are very sorry that the Negro was wounded so badly... They offer two wampum belts, one 12 and the other 6 [ beads ] high.
4) They are ashamed of this mischief... They offer 1 belt of wampum.
5) It was very wrong of the Indian to abuse and scold Ph. Schuyler so... They offer 1 bundle of sea-wan.
Etc...
12 They have finished, but they give 2 belts for medicines or salves [ medicine bags ] to be put on the wound.
N.B It is found that the sea-wan offered by the Indians consists of 12 wampum belts, large and small; 4 bundles of sea-wan and 2 small strings woven belt wise, and 1 thing that is carried on the breast.
In Albany, NY we can see partial transition in terminology after the 1674 enforcement, though some time after.What is interesting about this transition is that the citizens and the courts continue to use sea-wan for individual strings of beads and for bundles of strung beads whereas; wampum is specifically used for trade beads made into a belt form. It is unknown if the local indigenous population decided to adopt the English governor's use of wampum. Despite this, the term sea-wan is used significantly more often than wampum in 1680-85. This implies that both the Indigenous People and colonist continued to use sea-wan in their day-to-day communications.
Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady records for British New York:
Sea-wan Wampum Wampum Belt
1668 - 1673: 261 0 0
1675 - 1680: 462 0 0
1680 - 1685: 438 3 13
Interestingly when Govoner Dogan writes to the magistrates of Albany, he uses the term wampum independently of "wampum belt", yet does not include the term sea-wan, strings of sea-wan or bundles of sea-wan in his address. He has yet to adopted to the terminology associated with the economy or currency. Here we can see a disconnect between the understood terminology used by the citizens and indigenous population and an imposed terminology introduced by the English governor. In 1684, the governor realizes that more than just trade beads are being used as money and includes "jewelry". However, the disconnect in terminology and language between the Governor and the colonist still remains.
Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady 1680-1685 , Page 475.
By the Governor [Dongan], 1684
Forasmuch as ye Present magistrates of ye Toune of Albanie, have made there Complaint, that it is a great Inconvenience and Damage both to ye trade of this Governt, and this town in Particular, that any wampum, wampum Pipes, Indian Jewells or money should be Transported out of this Government off N: York and Dependencies, it is therefore ordered, that no wampum, wampum Pipes, Indian Juwels or any sort off money, be Transported or carried out of this Government, and that no traders, merchants or any "oyr" Persones whatsoever shall in Exchange or Traffique, give sell or any other ways dispose of money, wampum or Indian Juwells to any Person who shall Carry them out of this Government. ...
When we travel south to the South or Delaware River to the former New Amstel and New Sweden region, we see what appears to be confusion in terminology. Sea-wan is used in the same way as in Albany during the post 1674 enforcement of English Common law which requires all documents to be kept in English, but the citizens are interchanging belts of wampum and belts of sea-wan. It is noted that se-want is the preferred term for sea-wan in this region.
Delaware Papers The English Era
Sea-wan Wampum Wampum Belt
1664 to 1682: 18 (incl. belts/bands) 2 [1670] 3 (1675 wampam & wamp.)
In the Delaware Papers during the English period, we see General Carr using the term wampum to include strung or bundles of sea-wan, but doesn't use the local definition of sea-wan. Note: In the same document we see non-government officials and recorders using the term se-want to represent sea-wan but not wampum in 1670.
Delaware Papers, English Period: Page 12
Relation from the Whorekill Concering Jan de Caper's Sloop, 1670
On the 20th of December 1670 a sachem of Nassawam, who lives near Sachomok, came here to this place... We asked for an Indian with a canoe to take us there which the sachem agreed to for 1 1/2 fathoms of black se-want.... we offered them ten fathoms of se-want and a blanket,...
In the same document but several records later in October 6th of 1670, on page 18, we can see Marten Roseman, Edman Kantwel, Pieter Cock, Pieter Rambo, Israel Helm and Matheus de Ringh, (clerk) in their report picks up on the use of the term wampum... but don't seem to know how it factors into the language or how to use it as a reference. The letter was signed by "Matheus de Ring", Clerk.
Report of a meeting with Indians on the Delaware about a murder, 1670
"... presented us with a small bundle of white se-want about 3 or 4 fathoms", They then gave us another bundle of white wampum adding these words.... Whereupon they also give the Mincquasen a gift, namely, a belt of se-want with a bundle of white se-want, ... We answered them, when we accepted this money or se-want, saying that when we accept this money or se-want we accept it..."
In the Delaware records, from 1664 to 1682, the term wampum is not generally used, appearing only 5 times. For historic museums, villages and reenactors this may be an interesting topic as is shows that when there is a disconnect between the soveriegn government and the population they are ruling over; the imposing of new terms from a different language can take an exceedingly long time.
For Albany, we can see that from the time the English seized control in 1664 to 1680 there was zero acquisition of the term wampum, and the 438 times the term sea-wan is used compare to the 15 times wampum is used demonstrates the barrier intrinsic to language and tradition can impose, lest it cause confusion during an economic trade. The people of Albany took it further, and relegated the term wampum to only beads in the form of a belt. The people of the Delaware River region were just as slow to change. However, we can see the court in New Castle making adjustments to use wampum as a currency (or valuation) between colonist in the same way we sea-wan is used as the base currency in the rest of the colony.
In 1675, we see a case adopt the use of wampum as if sea-wan, in that he uses the wampum as a "value" or currency. Page 64.
Gabriela Manville Plt. Contra Capt. John Carr Deft., New Castle , 1675
The plt. declares that this deft. became indented unto him in the "Yeare" 1671 for "Linning" Should unto him at New Yorke the Summe of f.521: wampum "Vallue" to be paid in Small "Furres" upon demand...
While the single case above shows that the British generals are using wampum it does not seem to trickle down to the citizens; sailors, trades people, small merchants or even large merchants according to wills, deeds, and other primary sources. In the end, we can see that for the 1614 to 1696 there is likely difficulty adopting to new terminology; when the existing terms were being used on a day to day basis, between both the colonist with the Indigenous population and the colonist to colonist. It is possible that the use of sea-wan continued until the currency became displaced with bills.
The New Netherland era for this blog includes the time of the first permanent trading post in 1614 Wiltwijk on the Hudson, through to the time the English received sovereign control in 1667 and unto 1674. There is an argument that can be made for this era to include up to when the Dutch took back the territory for 15 months and finally ceding control again to the English in 1674. This timing will be explore in a follow up post; however, one of the main reasons for this is that prior to 1674, the English did not enforce British Common Law. This had a significant effect on the population after 1674 because it meant that many people's liberties enjoyed under Dutch Civil and Canon law were stripped in this one year. The lack of enforcement of English Common law up to this point, allowed the colony to continued to use Dutch civil law to solve legal and court cases which had an effect on personal incomes, property ownership, economics, and even how to address a person.
Sea-wan was used in documents from early in the region's settlement by Europeans; and is adopted from the local indigenous language. Later, when the British governors introduced the term wampum (from the Algonquin word wampumpeag meaning white shell beads) into legal documents, it was not easily adopted by the general public. Did the introduction of the term wampum into this colony by the governor displace the term sea-wan which was used by local Indigenous people and colonist?
It is noted that the primary records do not hyphenate sea-wan. However, when I type the term without a hyphen the spellcheck auto corrects it, even after I have saved the page. So, it is hyphenated to preserve understanding otherwise this post would read very differently. Sea-wan which is commonly used from Brooklyn to Albany; also appears as "Zee-wan" in early documents and "Se-want" particularly in the South River (Delaware River) documents.
In the Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady court minutes for 1680-1685
Sample 1: Ordinary session held in New Albany, June 8, 1680, page 11 -12
Mr. Samual Winder, attorney for Capt. John Palmer, ... against Jan Ver Beek, defendant.
The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 16 gl. [guilders] in beavers, showing by the journal and ledger of Mr John Winder, fol. 24, under date of October 5, 1665, that the defendant is indebted to that amount...
Idem, plaintiff, against Lambert van Valkenburg, defendant. The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 28 gl. in sea-wan, showing by the books of Mr. Jan Winder, fol. 24,....
The hornoable court condemn the defendant to pay to the plaintiff or his order the sum of 28 gl. in sea-wan,...
Indem, plaintiff, against Jan Labatee, defendant.
The plaintiff demands of the defendant the sum of 21 gl. in sea-wan, showing by the books of Mr. John Winder, ....
(The terms Negro and Indian are copied from the primary sources and not my own.)
Sample 2: Extraordinary session held in Albany, July 24, 1682, page 274 - 277
Philip Schuyler complains to their honors [in court] in writing that on on the 20th of July last great harm was done to him... who in passing [by] left the gate open and called him names... especially one called Naerenachteno, who threw a stone at his horse, wounding it above the eye, where upon his Negro, Jan, struck the said Indian.... [a fight followed].
The Indians answered:
1) That the mischief which occurred was not premeditated... They offer a belt, 7 [beads] high.
2) They are heartily sorry about the mischief... They offer a bundle of sea-wan.
3) They are very sorry that the Negro was wounded so badly... They offer two wampum belts, one 12 and the other 6 [ beads ] high.
4) They are ashamed of this mischief... They offer 1 belt of wampum.
5) It was very wrong of the Indian to abuse and scold Ph. Schuyler so... They offer 1 bundle of sea-wan.
Etc...
12 They have finished, but they give 2 belts for medicines or salves [ medicine bags ] to be put on the wound.
N.B It is found that the sea-wan offered by the Indians consists of 12 wampum belts, large and small; 4 bundles of sea-wan and 2 small strings woven belt wise, and 1 thing that is carried on the breast.
In Albany, NY we can see partial transition in terminology after the 1674 enforcement, though some time after.What is interesting about this transition is that the citizens and the courts continue to use sea-wan for individual strings of beads and for bundles of strung beads whereas; wampum is specifically used for trade beads made into a belt form. It is unknown if the local indigenous population decided to adopt the English governor's use of wampum. Despite this, the term sea-wan is used significantly more often than wampum in 1680-85. This implies that both the Indigenous People and colonist continued to use sea-wan in their day-to-day communications.
Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady records for British New York:
Sea-wan Wampum Wampum Belt
1668 - 1673: 261 0 0
1675 - 1680: 462 0 0
1680 - 1685: 438 3 13
Interestingly when Govoner Dogan writes to the magistrates of Albany, he uses the term wampum independently of "wampum belt", yet does not include the term sea-wan, strings of sea-wan or bundles of sea-wan in his address. He has yet to adopted to the terminology associated with the economy or currency. Here we can see a disconnect between the understood terminology used by the citizens and indigenous population and an imposed terminology introduced by the English governor. In 1684, the governor realizes that more than just trade beads are being used as money and includes "jewelry". However, the disconnect in terminology and language between the Governor and the colonist still remains.
Albany, Rensselaer and Schenectady 1680-1685 , Page 475.
By the Governor [Dongan], 1684
Forasmuch as ye Present magistrates of ye Toune of Albanie, have made there Complaint, that it is a great Inconvenience and Damage both to ye trade of this Governt, and this town in Particular, that any wampum, wampum Pipes, Indian Jewells or money should be Transported out of this Government off N: York and Dependencies, it is therefore ordered, that no wampum, wampum Pipes, Indian Juwels or any sort off money, be Transported or carried out of this Government, and that no traders, merchants or any "oyr" Persones whatsoever shall in Exchange or Traffique, give sell or any other ways dispose of money, wampum or Indian Juwells to any Person who shall Carry them out of this Government. ...
However, records such as property purchases are still using sea-wan as a currency; sea-wan is cited as still in use as currency in 1684. For the Early Records of Albany, Notarial Papers the term sea-wan is cited 99 times and zero times for wampum for the years 1660 to 1696.
Example from the Early Records of Albany, Notarial Papers 1 and 2, 1660 - 1696, page 576, is below.
Example from the Early Records of Albany, Notarial Papers 1 and 2, 1660 - 1696, page 576, is below.
Contract of sale between Cornelis Michielsen and Jurriaen "Teunissen" [van] Tappen of the the farm called the "Klinckenbergh"
On this 5th day of August 1684... Michietlsz acknowledges that he has sold to said Jurriaen Tunis all his interest in the land... pay to the seller or his order the sum of fifty whole, merchantable beaver skins in silver money, wheat, or sea-wan at beaver's price, in two payments...
When we travel south to the South or Delaware River to the former New Amstel and New Sweden region, we see what appears to be confusion in terminology. Sea-wan is used in the same way as in Albany during the post 1674 enforcement of English Common law which requires all documents to be kept in English, but the citizens are interchanging belts of wampum and belts of sea-wan. It is noted that se-want is the preferred term for sea-wan in this region.
Delaware Papers The English Era
Sea-wan Wampum Wampum Belt
1664 to 1682: 18 (incl. belts/bands) 2 [1670] 3 (1675 wampam & wamp.)
In the Delaware Papers during the English period, we see General Carr using the term wampum to include strung or bundles of sea-wan, but doesn't use the local definition of sea-wan. Note: In the same document we see non-government officials and recorders using the term se-want to represent sea-wan but not wampum in 1670.
Delaware Papers, English Period: Page 12
Relation from the Whorekill Concering Jan de Caper's Sloop, 1670
On the 20th of December 1670 a sachem of Nassawam, who lives near Sachomok, came here to this place... We asked for an Indian with a canoe to take us there which the sachem agreed to for 1 1/2 fathoms of black se-want.... we offered them ten fathoms of se-want and a blanket,...
In the same document but several records later in October 6th of 1670, on page 18, we can see Marten Roseman, Edman Kantwel, Pieter Cock, Pieter Rambo, Israel Helm and Matheus de Ringh, (clerk) in their report picks up on the use of the term wampum... but don't seem to know how it factors into the language or how to use it as a reference. The letter was signed by "Matheus de Ring", Clerk.
Report of a meeting with Indians on the Delaware about a murder, 1670
"... presented us with a small bundle of white se-want about 3 or 4 fathoms", They then gave us another bundle of white wampum adding these words.... Whereupon they also give the Mincquasen a gift, namely, a belt of se-want with a bundle of white se-want, ... We answered them, when we accepted this money or se-want, saying that when we accept this money or se-want we accept it..."
In the Delaware records, from 1664 to 1682, the term wampum is not generally used, appearing only 5 times. For historic museums, villages and reenactors this may be an interesting topic as is shows that when there is a disconnect between the soveriegn government and the population they are ruling over; the imposing of new terms from a different language can take an exceedingly long time.
For Albany, we can see that from the time the English seized control in 1664 to 1680 there was zero acquisition of the term wampum, and the 438 times the term sea-wan is used compare to the 15 times wampum is used demonstrates the barrier intrinsic to language and tradition can impose, lest it cause confusion during an economic trade. The people of Albany took it further, and relegated the term wampum to only beads in the form of a belt. The people of the Delaware River region were just as slow to change. However, we can see the court in New Castle making adjustments to use wampum as a currency (or valuation) between colonist in the same way we sea-wan is used as the base currency in the rest of the colony.
In 1675, we see a case adopt the use of wampum as if sea-wan, in that he uses the wampum as a "value" or currency. Page 64.
Gabriela Manville Plt. Contra Capt. John Carr Deft., New Castle , 1675
The plt. declares that this deft. became indented unto him in the "Yeare" 1671 for "Linning" Should unto him at New Yorke the Summe of f.521: wampum "Vallue" to be paid in Small "Furres" upon demand...
While the single case above shows that the British generals are using wampum it does not seem to trickle down to the citizens; sailors, trades people, small merchants or even large merchants according to wills, deeds, and other primary sources. In the end, we can see that for the 1614 to 1696 there is likely difficulty adopting to new terminology; when the existing terms were being used on a day to day basis, between both the colonist with the Indigenous population and the colonist to colonist. It is possible that the use of sea-wan continued until the currency became displaced with bills.
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